
Poland’s image as the European Union’s most generous safe haven for people fleeing Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine is showing cracks. A Bloomberg investigation published on 9 November 2025 cites police data and interviews with social-service NGOs indicating that hate-crime reports targeting Ukrainian nationals have risen by almost 40 % since the start of 2025. Incidents range from verbal abuse on Warsaw trams to assaults and property damage in smaller cities such as Białystok and Rzeszów. Although overall crime in Poland is falling, xenophobic offences are rising – a trend experts link to political polarisation ahead of next year’s local elections.
An estimated 1.3 million Ukrainians still live in Poland under the EU’s Temporary Protection Directive, enjoying work authorisation and access to public services. Their rapid labour-market integration has benefited employers facing chronic skills shortages, especially in construction, IT and logistics. Yet populist politicians and online influencers have begun framing refugees as competitors for housing and social benefits. The Ministry of the Interior confirmed to Bloomberg that police recorded 862 anti-Ukrainian hate-crime investigations in the first ten months of the year, up from 617 in the same period of 2024. Conviction rates remain low because many victims decline to testify, fearing retaliation or job loss.
Business-immigration advisers warn multinational companies that the rise in hate incidents can affect duty-of-care obligations. “Risk assessments for assignees must now consider social hostility, not just physical security,” says Małgorzata Zawadzka, mobility lead at a Fortune 500 manufacturer in Łódź. Employers are reviewing relocation policies to include cultural-awareness training, emergency helplines and anonymous reporting tools for harassment outside the workplace. Several global firms have asked Poland’s Office for Foreigners to fast-track permanent-residence applications so that key Ukrainian managers gain more stability and protection.
The government insists it is tackling the problem. In October, it launched a PLN 50 million “Safe Communities” grant programme for municipalities hosting large refugee populations, funding CCTV upgrades and multilingual victim-support centres. However, NGOs say police resources remain stretched because officers are also deployed to the German and Belarusian borders to enforce temporary controls. Legal analysts add that Poland still lacks a standalone hate-crime statute recognising attacks based on nationality, forcing prosecutors to rely on generic assault provisions with lower penalties.
For global-mobility professionals, the immediate takeaway is twofold. First, Poland’s labour market remains open and attractive, but companies must update employee-support frameworks to reflect the new social-risk landscape. Second, proactive community-engagement initiatives – funding language classes, joint Polish-Ukrainian sports events, or corporate volunteering – can help defuse tensions while strengthening employer brands. Failure to act could erode Poland’s hard-won reputation as Central Europe’s relocation hub and complicate future visa and work-permit processing if public sentiment turns further against immigration.
An estimated 1.3 million Ukrainians still live in Poland under the EU’s Temporary Protection Directive, enjoying work authorisation and access to public services. Their rapid labour-market integration has benefited employers facing chronic skills shortages, especially in construction, IT and logistics. Yet populist politicians and online influencers have begun framing refugees as competitors for housing and social benefits. The Ministry of the Interior confirmed to Bloomberg that police recorded 862 anti-Ukrainian hate-crime investigations in the first ten months of the year, up from 617 in the same period of 2024. Conviction rates remain low because many victims decline to testify, fearing retaliation or job loss.
Business-immigration advisers warn multinational companies that the rise in hate incidents can affect duty-of-care obligations. “Risk assessments for assignees must now consider social hostility, not just physical security,” says Małgorzata Zawadzka, mobility lead at a Fortune 500 manufacturer in Łódź. Employers are reviewing relocation policies to include cultural-awareness training, emergency helplines and anonymous reporting tools for harassment outside the workplace. Several global firms have asked Poland’s Office for Foreigners to fast-track permanent-residence applications so that key Ukrainian managers gain more stability and protection.
The government insists it is tackling the problem. In October, it launched a PLN 50 million “Safe Communities” grant programme for municipalities hosting large refugee populations, funding CCTV upgrades and multilingual victim-support centres. However, NGOs say police resources remain stretched because officers are also deployed to the German and Belarusian borders to enforce temporary controls. Legal analysts add that Poland still lacks a standalone hate-crime statute recognising attacks based on nationality, forcing prosecutors to rely on generic assault provisions with lower penalties.
For global-mobility professionals, the immediate takeaway is twofold. First, Poland’s labour market remains open and attractive, but companies must update employee-support frameworks to reflect the new social-risk landscape. Second, proactive community-engagement initiatives – funding language classes, joint Polish-Ukrainian sports events, or corporate volunteering – can help defuse tensions while strengthening employer brands. Failure to act could erode Poland’s hard-won reputation as Central Europe’s relocation hub and complicate future visa and work-permit processing if public sentiment turns further against immigration.










