
Meeting in Brussels on 9 December, EU interior ministers gave final approval to a sweeping overhaul of the bloc’s migration rules, paving the way for new ‘return hubs’ outside EU territory and tougher repatriation standards. The deal explicitly endorses Italy’s bilateral accord with Albania, allowing two centres in the port of Shëngjin to double as repatriation facilities for rejected asylum seekers once the rules enter force in June 2026.
Italian Interior Minister Matteo Piantedosi hailed the outcome, saying it “confirms Italy’s pilot model” and ensures other member states must now share the cost of managing irregular flows in the Mediterranean. Under the new system, countries under high migratory pressure – a list that includes Italy, Greece, Spain and Cyprus – will be entitled to solidarity either through relocations or financial contributions from other EU members.
The regulation also expands the EU’s list of “safe third countries” and “safe countries of origin,” enabling faster rejection of claims deemed manifestly unfounded. Human-rights NGOs lambasted the package as a blueprint for outsourcing asylum obligations and normalising detention, but southern states argue it will deter dangerous sea crossings by signalling swift returns.
For global-mobility planners the immediate impact is reputational: employees transiting through Italy’s airports may face questions about processing centres abroad. In the medium term, companies should expect more rigorous exit controls when work-permit holders’ contracts end; overstayers could be funnelled into return procedures led from Albania.
Businesses relocating staff to Italy should therefore tighten end-of-assignment protocols, ensuring residence permits are cancelled promptly and exit documentation retained in case authorities query overstayers during audits.
Italian Interior Minister Matteo Piantedosi hailed the outcome, saying it “confirms Italy’s pilot model” and ensures other member states must now share the cost of managing irregular flows in the Mediterranean. Under the new system, countries under high migratory pressure – a list that includes Italy, Greece, Spain and Cyprus – will be entitled to solidarity either through relocations or financial contributions from other EU members.
The regulation also expands the EU’s list of “safe third countries” and “safe countries of origin,” enabling faster rejection of claims deemed manifestly unfounded. Human-rights NGOs lambasted the package as a blueprint for outsourcing asylum obligations and normalising detention, but southern states argue it will deter dangerous sea crossings by signalling swift returns.
For global-mobility planners the immediate impact is reputational: employees transiting through Italy’s airports may face questions about processing centres abroad. In the medium term, companies should expect more rigorous exit controls when work-permit holders’ contracts end; overstayers could be funnelled into return procedures led from Albania.
Businesses relocating staff to Italy should therefore tighten end-of-assignment protocols, ensuring residence permits are cancelled promptly and exit documentation retained in case authorities query overstayers during audits.










