Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni used a bilateral summit in Rome on 13 November to declare that her government is "determined" to operationalise migrant-processing centres on Albanian soil despite ongoing judicial challenges. Standing beside Albanian counterpart Edi Rama, Meloni argued that transferring sea-arrivals outside the EU’s territory would "change the migration paradigm" once the bloc’s new Pact on Migration and Asylum enters into force in 2026.
The Italy-Albania protocol, signed in 2023, envisages reception hubs at Shengjin and Gjader capable of holding up to 3,000 people while their asylum claims are assessed. Italian courts have so far blocked the detention of test groups on due-process grounds, and the EU Court of Justice has warned that extra-territorial processing must still comply with EU fundamental-rights law. Critics say the centres waste public funds and outsource responsibilities, but Meloni insists they will deter smugglers and speed up returns for unfounded applicants.
![Meloni vows to press ahead with Albania offshore migrant-processing centres]()
For corporate mobility programmes the political signal is clear: Italy intends to keep a hard line on irregular maritime arrivals, potentially freeing administrative capacity for legal labour-migration channels such as the 2026–2028 Decreto Flussi quota scheme. However, NGOs caution that legal bottlenecks could delay implementation for months, leaving uncertainty over border-management resources during Rome’s 2026 Jubilee year, which is expected to draw 30 million pilgrims.
Albania, seeking closer EU integration, has framed the deal as an example of regional solidarity, but opposition parties in Tirana accuse Rama of turning the country into "Europe’s waiting room". A constitutional-court petition is pending and could reopen negotiations.
Businesses reliant on seasonal non-EU workers should therefore monitor developments: if the offshore centres absorb coast-guard and asylum-office staffing, processing times for work permits at Italian embassies may lengthen in the short term even as the government touts stricter border control.
The Italy-Albania protocol, signed in 2023, envisages reception hubs at Shengjin and Gjader capable of holding up to 3,000 people while their asylum claims are assessed. Italian courts have so far blocked the detention of test groups on due-process grounds, and the EU Court of Justice has warned that extra-territorial processing must still comply with EU fundamental-rights law. Critics say the centres waste public funds and outsource responsibilities, but Meloni insists they will deter smugglers and speed up returns for unfounded applicants.
For corporate mobility programmes the political signal is clear: Italy intends to keep a hard line on irregular maritime arrivals, potentially freeing administrative capacity for legal labour-migration channels such as the 2026–2028 Decreto Flussi quota scheme. However, NGOs caution that legal bottlenecks could delay implementation for months, leaving uncertainty over border-management resources during Rome’s 2026 Jubilee year, which is expected to draw 30 million pilgrims.
Albania, seeking closer EU integration, has framed the deal as an example of regional solidarity, but opposition parties in Tirana accuse Rama of turning the country into "Europe’s waiting room". A constitutional-court petition is pending and could reopen negotiations.
Businesses reliant on seasonal non-EU workers should therefore monitor developments: if the offshore centres absorb coast-guard and asylum-office staffing, processing times for work permits at Italian embassies may lengthen in the short term even as the government touts stricter border control.
